U.S. Links to Saddam During Iran-Iraq War : NPR
At the time, I was having problems with my yahoo mail going through, so it Anyone knows or encounter Allen Peterson he is US military based in Iraq. mi email es [email protected], Cómo sabe uno quién es o no estafador?. The idea was, Satan was turned on by Saddam, but realized that Saddam was no good for him. So, he rebounded on Chris, who cared about being good for him. Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti was President of Iraq from 16 July until 9 April . Revolutionary sentiment was characteristic of the era in Iraq and throughout the Middle East. .. intelligence agent Yevgeny Primakov that dated back to the s; Primakov may have helped Saddam to stay in power in
Naji was imprisoned and maltreated, and eventually left Iraq with the near totality of the remaining Jews. I met and interviewed him in London in the late s. Naji was not particularly political, and did not deliberately detach himself from the religious community.
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His deracination was a cumulative process, conditioned by his physical separation from the centres of Jewish life, and his absorption into Iraqi provincial life. Although there were other Jewish doctors in a similar position, they were widely dispersed.
There were also small Jewish communities in the provincial centres near his work. Their customs, speech and dress were like their Muslim neighbours, and as such unlike Baghdadi Jews, especially the educated strata of the capital. Naji had much more in common socially and mentally with other government functionaries and professionals posted in the area. These usually had their own club, Nadi al-Muwadhafin, where they met to chat, play games and drink. Naji neither gambled nor drank, but the club was still his main venue of sociability.
He also mixed with the local notability, for whom he cared in his professional capacity. At this level, Naji was integrated into the life of provincial functionaries, and detached from his Jewish communal connections and networks, except during periods of leave when he visited his family in Baghdad.
At times, in his own words, he forgot that he was a Jew, as the following episode indicates. Once, during an epidemic, Naji encountered difficulty in securing premises for quarantine. The landlord of the designated house tried to renege on the deal at the last minute. To obtain the key Naji had to be firm and assert his authority, to the extent of slapping the man. This was not unusual conduct in the circumstances, but Naji was later astounded at his own action: The political events of the time heightened consciousness of religious divisions, especially with regard to Jews.
The Second World War, combined with events in Palestine, aroused nationalist sentiments that were tinged with Nazi sympathies. At one point he had an encounter with Fawzi al-Qawuqchithe Palestinian militia commander, and his men, there to support Rashid Ali, before withdrawing to Syria at his defeat. Later, the foundation of the state of Israel heightened anti-Jewish sentiments.
While Naji continued to enjoy warm and friendly relations with his patients, local people, notables and religious dignitaries, he was increasingly the target of hostile treatment by his superiors, medics and health directors. Some were jealous of his professional success, others resentful of a Jewish presence. As a result he was given the least desirable postings, loaded with extra work, and thus prevented from pursuing more lucrative private practice.
He was deterred from resigning by a regulation that doctors retiring from government service could only engage in private practice in the location of their last posting, in this case small provincial centres. From citizenship to communalism Under the rule of General Qasim, who overthrew the Hashemite monarchy in and was himself overthrown inthe power of the tribes, clans and communities was severely challenged by progressive policies, such as land reforms and legal reforms of family law, and by ideological politics.
It was then that the Communist Party made the running in wide-ranging mobilisation of many sectors of the population. This in turn provoked reactions from opposing forces, mostly varieties of Arab nationalists. These movements were not confined to politics but reinforced the already established cultural and artistic manifestations, from literature to theatre and the plastic arts, and an intense journalistic field to go with these.
The rise and fall of civil society in Iraq | openDemocracy
Wider sectors of the population were brought into the civil society of citizens. This political effervescence was, of course, to lead to severe and bloody conflicts in an unstable society. This was not easy to accomplish. The combination of bloody repression and incorporation proceeded at a gradual pace through the s, particularly with the manoeuvre of bringing the Communist Party into a common front in government, culminating in the final repression of the party and all its popular associations towards the end of that decade.
The society of citizens was eliminated. They were regimented into the ranks of the party and of loyalty to the ruling clique, their intellectual and cultural products dictated by these considerations. Those who resisted suffered the usual horrors of imprisonment, torture and execution and often the victimisation of their families. The lucky ones escaped to join the ever-expanding communities of exiles estimated in the millions.
Those that remained were reduced to voices of the rulers, often persecuted and humiliated by party and security thugs put in charge of universities and cultural institutions. At one point, university teachers, alongside other public employees, are directed to lose weight by a particular date or lose rank and pay, with threat of severance. There followed frantic and painful efforts by rotund middle-aged men to comply.
The description of the day of weight registration is tragi-comic, with a large number of professors scrambling to get into a small clinic, exhausted and humiliated. The author, a professor of Russian literature, committed suicide soon after she completed the book. These hardships are exacerbated by the drastic impoverishment of the salaried classes in the years following the Gulf War and the UN sanctions.
The parties were repeatedly purged to ensure complete loyalty and subservience to the ruling cliques. At the same time, the parties became vehicles for the penetration and control of all public institutions and functions, working closely with the multiple security forces.
Politics and civil society are totally incorporated into the authoritarian state. Under these conditions, the security and life-chances of any individual become dependent on their relationship to the organs and networks of the regime.
For most people, these relations are mediated through connections and solidarities of kinship and community. In the spheres of power, of government and the military, official rank is subordinated to informal connections of kinship and relations to members of the ruling clique.
In the offices of state and public life, it is again connections to the centres of networks of power which procure tenure and promotion. Selected tribal sheikhs were officially instated as leaders of their tribes, some of their lands restored reversing earlier land reforms and supplied with arms, on condition of loyalty to the regime and ensuring social and political controls in its favour.
By then, of course, they constituted no threat to the regime, but could be useful as instruments of social control. The ideology of this reversal was couched in nationalist rhetoric, extolling tribal solidarity as part of the Arab heritage, and the virtues of old.
The destruction of the civil society of citizens in favour of communalist formations becomes, then, explicit official policy. In the s and s, regime policies favoured female education and wide participation in the labour market and professional occupations but not in the echelons of government power. This may have been done, in part, to challenge and intimidate religious institutions and authorities, and to weaken patriarchal bonds in favour of allegiance to the regime and its ideologies.
Many of these positive steps were reversed in the s. Violence against women was staged dramatically by forces of the regime in the recent campaign against supposed prostitutes; these women were publicly beheaded in Baghdad and other cities. During the war against Iran, Saddam countered Iranian claims of fidelity to Islam with his own, claiming descent from the Prophet and making pious public appearances where he engaged in prayer and patronage of mosques and shrines.
The anti-Iranian rhetoric was a thinly disguised attack on what was characterised as a foreign and heretic form of religion.
They are referred to by the derogatory term of al-rafidha, the rejectionists, historically used by their detractors such as the Wahhabi.
These campaigns are clearly designed to sharpen sectarian solidarities and crystallise Sunni support. It is a further assault on notions and practices of common citizenship and in favour of communalist identities.
Religiosity is not, however, confined to official rhetoric. Observers have reported a marked rise in the signs of popular religiosity. Over the course of the 20th century, Iraqis may have been sectarian in their allegiances, but they were not particularly pious.
It would seem, however, that the disasters that have overtaken the country have fostered a wave of new religious observance of prayer and rituals. It is also reported that there is an upsurge in popular religious practices, such as sufi affiliations and the visitation of tombs. Or is it part of the general Islamic wave in the region of piety mixed with a siege mentality of religious nationalism? What are the prospects for a revival of a civil society of active citizens in Iraq?
Under the current regime, or a replacement of it by something similar, the prospects are grim. What type of new regime would foster or at least permit the regeneration of an autonomous public life of politics and culture? Although Saddam was al-Bakr's deputy, he was a strong behind-the-scenes party politician.
Al-Bakr was the older and more prestigious of the two, but by Saddam clearly had become the moving force behind the party. Political program Promoting women's literacy and education in the s In the late s and early s, as vice chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, formally al-Bakr's second-in-command, Saddam built a reputation as a progressive, effective politician.
After the Ba'athists took power inSaddam focused on attaining stability in a nation riddled with profound tensions. Long before Saddam, Iraq had been split along social, ethnic, religious, and economic fault lines: Sunni versus Shi'iteArab versus Kurdtribal chief versus urban merchant, nomad versus peasant. Ever concerned with broadening his base of support among the diverse elements of Iraqi society and mobilizing mass support, he closely followed the administration of state welfare and development programs.
At the center of this strategy was Iraq's oil. On 1 JuneSaddam oversaw the seizure of international oil interests, which, at the time, dominated the country's oil sector. A year later, world oil prices rose dramatically as a result of the energy crisisand skyrocketing revenues enabled Saddam to expand his agenda.
Saddam talking to Michel Aflaqthe founder of ba'athist thoughtin Within just a few years, Iraq was providing social services that were unprecedented among Middle Eastern countries. Saddam established and controlled the "National Campaign for the Eradication of Illiteracy" and the campaign for "Compulsory Free Education in Iraq," and largely under his auspices, the government established universal free schooling up to the highest education levels; hundreds of thousands learned to read in the years following the initiation of the program.
The government also supported families of soldiers, granted free hospitalization to everyone, and gave subsidies to farmers. Saddam implemented a national infrastructure campaign that made great progress in building roads, promoting mining, and developing other industries. The campaign helped Iraq's energy industries. Electricity was brought to nearly every city in Iraq, and many outlying areas.
Before the s, most of Iraq's people lived in the countryside and roughly two-thirds were peasants. This number would decrease quickly during the s as global oil prices helped revenues to rise from less than a half billion dollars to tens of billions of dollars and the country invested into industrial expansion.
The oil revenue benefited Saddam politically. He had a good instinct for what the " Arab street " demanded, following the decline in Egyptian leadership brought about by the trauma of Israel's six-day victory in the war, the death of the pan-Arabist hero, Gamal Abdul Nasser, inand the "traitorous" drive by his successor, Anwar Sadat, to sue for peace with the Jewish state.
Saddam's self-aggrandising propaganda, with himself posing as the defender of Arabism against Jewish or Persian intruders, was heavy-handed, but consistent as a drumbeat. It helped, of course, that his mukhabarat secret police put dozens of Arab news editors, writers and artists on the payroll. According to historian Charles R. Trippthe treaty upset "the U. It appeared that any enemy of the Baghdad regime was a potential ally of the United States. After nationalizing foreign oil interests, Saddam supervised the modernization of the countryside, mechanizing agriculture on a large scale, and distributing land to peasant farmers.
Saddam's welfare programs were part of a combination of "carrot and stick" tactics to enhance support for Saddam.
The state-owned banks were put under his thumb. Lending was based on cronyism. As the ailing, elderly al-Bakr became unable to execute his duties, Saddam took on an increasingly prominent role as the face of the government both internally and externally. He soon became the architect of Iraq's foreign policy and represented the nation in all diplomatic situations. He was the de facto leader of Iraq some years before he formally came to power in He slowly began to consolidate his power over Iraq's government and the Ba'ath party.
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Relationships with fellow party members were carefully cultivated, and Saddam soon accumulated a powerful circle of support within the party. In al-Bakr started to make treaties with Syria, also under Ba'athist leadership, that would lead to unification between the two countries. Syrian President Hafez al-Assad would become deputy leader in a union, and this would drive Saddam to obscurity. Saddam acted to secure his grip on power. He forced the ailing al-Bakr to resign on 16 Julyand formally assumed the presidency.
During the assembly, which he ordered videotaped,  Saddam claimed to have found a fifth column within the Ba'ath Party and directed Muhyi Abdel-Hussein to read out a confession and the names of 68 alleged co-conspirators. These members were labelled "disloyal" and were removed from the room one by one and taken into custody. After the list was read, Saddam congratulated those still seated in the room for their past and future loyalty.
The 68 people arrested at the meeting were subsequently tried together and found guilty of treason. Other high-ranking members of the party formed the firing squad.
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By 1 Augusthundreds of high-ranking Ba'ath party members had been executed. Human rights in Saddam Hussein's Iraq "Fifty-seven boxes were recently returned to the Kurdish city of Sulaimaniya in Zeit trucks—large Russian military vehicles—by the Iraqi government authorities. Each box contained a dead child, eyes gouged out and ashen white, apparently drained of blood. The families were not given their children, were forced to accept a communal grave, and then had to pay dinars for the burial.
The Ba'ath Party, secular by nature, adopted Pan-Arab ideologies which in turn were problematic for significant parts of the population. A separate threat to Iraq came from parts of the ethnic Kurdish population of northern Iraq which opposed being part of an Iraqi state and favoured independence an ongoing ideology which had preceded Ba'ath Party rule.
To alleviate the threat of revolution, Saddam afforded certain benefits to the potentially hostile population. Membership in the Ba'ath Party remained open to all Iraqi citizens regardless of background. However, repressive measures were taken against its opponents. Beginning inTaha Yassin Ramadan himself a Kurdish Ba'athista close associate of Saddam, commanded the People's Armywhich had responsibility for internal security.
As the Ba'ath Party's paramilitary, the People's Army acted as a counterweight against any coup attempts by the regular armed forces. In addition to the People's Army, the Department of General Intelligence was the most notorious arm of the state-security system, feared for its use of torture and assassination.