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The successful use of slave labor relied on more than force and violence [in altering Cuban society]. It rested, too, on a number of ideological form ulations, all of which had as their central premise the notion of unequal social evolution. Whites proclaimed themselves innately superior to nonwhites. Race not only served as a useful justification of slavery but it was used to justify both the exclusion of people of color from political participation and the imposition of barriers to social mobility Cuban society was divided by class and color Determining the criteria for establishing racial and class divisions within Cuban society took on heightened importance due to the privileging that social, economic, and political power granted to certain groups.

Important to this study is the realization that barriers of class and race within Cuban social structure were pervasive, but not exclusive. Class and racial lines were often crossed due to economic and political expediency. But to say that they were crossed frequently is not to suggest that they were crossed equally freely by all parties or that such crossing challenged the premises upon which they had been constructed Prez This was all the more reason for the lines of social stratification to remain as stable as possible.

This historical stability later again came under fire as Cuba sought to establish a national identity in the late nineteenth century Robin Moore states that by the early twentieth century, it was Cuban intellectuals and elites such as Alejo Carpentier and Fernando Ortiz and their work on the valorization of Africanderived culture within Cuban society who serve d as the intellectual foundation for the formation of modern Cuban thought and the imagining of a new criollo nation.

Cuban intellectuals, politicians, and artists defined their culture and society in terms of creole or mulatto imager y. The mulatto nation metaphor PAGE 32 32 [referred] to a physical process the racial mixing of Caucasians, Africans, and indigenous peoples over the centuries but, more important, [it also referred to] a cultural one involving the fusion of once distinct systems of language, religion, artistic forms, and other expression into a unique composite Carpentier, Ortiz, and other members of the Grupo Minoristas The Minority Group a social faction comprised of the artistic, intellectual, and elite minority demo nstrate[d] a significant break with previously held conceptions of Cuban society, from which Africaninfluenced culture was almost entirely excluded Moore The Grupo Minoristas challenged the decades long social practices of strict class hierarchy and racial discrimination in Cuba, and in turn, fostered the rise of the afrocubanismo Afro Cuban movement which recognized the cultural contributions of all members of Cuban society, especially those of African descent.

The arts of socially marginalized blacks, for centuries ignored or dismissed by Cubas [elite and] middle classes, took on new significance as symbols of nationality Moore Contemporary scholarship seeks to better understand this change in Cuban national identity b y clearly identifying how that identity was comprised. In the case of charanga, it is important to determine how the ensemble and its music have been tied to identity creation, and for clarification of this development, one must consider theoretical conce pts of identity.

E thnomusicologist s Thomas Turino and Martin Stokeshave articulated how identity is constructed and maintained especially in terms of its relationship to music. Stokes states that music is meaningful not entirely but largely because it provides means by which people recognize identities and places, and the boundaries w hich separate them Turino, in support of Stokes, likewise emphasizes the associations between identity, place, and boundaries when analyzing the role of music in identity construction.

Turino presents a model for defining self, PAGE 33 33 identity, and culture: He posits that theories about expressive cultural practices should first begin with an understanding of the self and individual identity.

Turino conceptualizes the self as comprising a body plus the total sets of habits specific to an individual that develop through the ongoing interchanges of the individual with her physical and social surroundings. Identity involves the partial selection of habits used to represent oneself to oneself and to others by oneself and by others; the emphasis on certain habits and traits is relative to specific situations.

Finally, what is usually referred to as culture is defined here as the habits of thought and practice that are shared among individuals Undoubtedl y, class identity is a major distinction in an individuals concept of self, especially ones positioning within the social hierarchy relative to others. Styles and genres of music favored by groups or individuals reveals ones place within the social hie rarchy and further privileges or discriminates individuals based upon the music with which they are associated.

This is certainly true when discussing charanga beginn ing in the nineteenth century. Analysis of class and identity articulates how the Cuban elite historically preferred Western art musics melodic and harmonic influences for this is what they were familiar with in Europe while the African rhythmic components were first seen as distasteful and uncultured, as were AfroCubans themselves.

Popular music genres performed by the charangas in the salons and ballrooms of the elite reflected a European social identity and made clear the dissimilarities between elite European white criollo identity and anything O ther.

In the slow journey to becoming a racially mixed criollo nation, this perspective changed, but the change was gradual and the PAGE 34 34 musical inventions adopted primarily African derived rhythmic components were at first subtle so as to be made palatable to the elite and middle classes before bei ng allowed to flower fully into main society unaltered which the afrocubanismo movement helped to foster.

Important to this study, Stokes further define s identity has having a multiplicity of constructs For example, r ural urban identity is described as one factor of the theoretical construct of cosmopolitanism in both of its forms, the one world notion of a single humanity, as well as the elite privileging notion used to describe urban sophisticates. R acial identity has been determine d to be a social construct and not a biological mandate, and other identities such as gender and ethnic identity inform us of the myriad of ways in which individuals as well as nations and nationstates are involved in the construction of a sense of self a nd social connection individual and social identities T ransnational identity establishes a dialectic between home and host country and national identity describes identity formations involving nationstates.

H istorian Benedict Anderson, in his highly revered Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalismpresents the idea that the nation is not only a geopolitical entity the nationstate but that it is a symbolic identity construct as well. He states that the nation is an imagined political community It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion In the instance of Cuba, we understand the nationstate to not only be the geographic boundaries of the island, but the national identity imaginings in our case, imagined through Cuban music particularly charanga PAGE 35 35 and discourse about Cuban music of Cubans who live both in and outside o f that geo political boundary primarily in Miami and New York The more recent work of ethnomusicologists such as Paul Austerlitz provide further example.

Austerlitz writes that m usic specifically merengue, was purposely used by the Trujillo government in the Dominican Republic to promote the idea of nationhood and that this case is no isolated example He states that nationstates, like individuals within society, are constantly shifting orientations as people define them.

As individual identity is always evolving, likewise the cultural identity linked to the nationstate evolves as well. Identity is not a static construct. Knight states that by the middle of the nineteenth century, Cubans had already begun to manifest a rebellious sense of national identity more precocious t han any found elsewhere in the Caribbean Indeed, if we look at Cubas social and political history over the last one hundred and fifty years, we find a nation set on establishing a distinct identity with the goal of complete sovereignty.

He was from modest beginnings and resented the el ites distain for the expressive culture of the subaltern. In response, he declared that the merengue, a musical genre of the lower classes, would be the national music of the Dominican Republic, much to the initial horror of the elite and upper classes.

Cuba During the 20th Century, in Rogozi ski, PAGE 36 36 as well as within the international communities of Cuban exiles and expatriates both historically and in a contemporary context demonstrates how music can be effectively used to generate nation building.

Charanga, as a subject of importance in the formation of Cuban national and musical identity, illustrates the ways in which societies use expressive culture to create and maintain a national consciousness. Knight posits that geography had a lot to do with the fact that Cuba has always been politically conscious. Its position as the largest island in the Caribbean, combined with its strategic maritime location, made Cuba a focal point in the transatlantic communication network.

In addition, a large network of colonists from Spain exercised strong administrative functions within a well run civil society in Cubas urban centers. Ample trade, strong governance, and access to international influences allowed Cuban society to achieve a well developed social class hierarchy. After the advent of sugar cultivation in the s, population numbers boomed on the island. The birth of a stratified society featuring an emerging middle class in Cuba began shortly thereafter.

Over time, various groups of emancipated people of color, primarily peasant farmers, were aspiring to, and even joining, the ranks of middleclass European immigrants. Many settled in Cubas urban centers and established themselves as teachers, artisans, musicians, merchants, bankers, military officers, politicians, shopkeepers, etc. Santos Gracia adds, Durante este perodo, en los salones de bailes de los centros y sociedades perfectamente definidas por estamentos sociales y color de la piel continuaron practicndose la danza, el rigodn, el vals y el danzn, este ltimo con fuerte incidencia hasta esta fecha como el baile nacional de Cuba The individual achievements of the Cuban Creole el ite were not, in the great majority of cases, unique in the history of the Caribbean or of the mainland colonies.

What appears exceptional in the Cuban case, however, is the relatively large size, cohesiveness, and self confidence of this group.

While political astuteness encouraged the Cuban settler elite to support Spanish government, it identified increasingly with its homeland and by the beginning of the nineteenth century, that homeland was unmistakably Cuba Considering Knights assessme nt of Cubas emerging criollo national identity in the midnineteenth century, and what we know about expressive culture in Cuba during this time, particularly the music, what we can deduce is that the Cuban creole elite were well on the way to building a distinct national identity and that Cuban music, a unique combination of popular music genres influenced by art music styles and vice versa served as a part of that effort.

For example, i n Cuba, the contradanzathe antecedent popular music genre to the danza and later, danzn was both a rural, planter class paired dance, as well as inspiration for the eliteclass art music genres composed in the conservatories and cultivated by art music composers such as Ignacio Cervantes Kawanagh Manuel Saumell Robredo ca.

Cervantes poses the question of a national character as a problem that can only be solved by the peculiar sensibili ty of the individual composer.

His Cubanness came from within. It was not a stylized reworking of a received notion, nor speculation over what existed in the environment. Thus, he was one of the first musicians in the Ameri cas to see nationalism as resulting from idiosyncrasy []: In essence, according to Carpentier, Cervantes was the first Cuban criollo composer to confirm that a sense of national identity was inborn and not taught []: This e ssentialist ideology links up with the romantic nationalist notion that somehow the soul of a people springs naturally from the land or local environment.

In other words, Carpentier is espousing the idea that Cubanness comes from within, a view very m uch aligned with the ideology of romantic nationalism.

This position therefore gains strength by claiming that identity is something that is naturalized. In this statement, Carpentier is ideologically link ing African rhythmic elements and the sphere of AfroCuban culture to romantic nationalist ideas. La mezcla de rasgos y expresiones de la accin bailable y del disfrute popular vinculada al complejo son con formas inusitadas del pensamiento abstracto, resulta una de las caractersticas ms interesantes, importantes y sorprendentes no solo de lo musical en este complejo sino tambin de su vinculo con otros aspectos extramusicales dados en el modo de vida y en las necesidades expresivas: What Carpentier is claiming is that a preference for creolized musical genres directly led to the establishing of a distinct, criollo musica l identity.

What lends support to Carpentier s statement is that throughout the evolution and development of these genres, the creation of a specific genre, the danzn, was to become the national dance and music of Cuba. What established this music performed by the charangas as distinctly Cuban, was its acceptance and perpetuation by all classes of Cubans.

Indeed, one of the most important features of the contradance was the way its popularity cut across social classes Manuel a: The contradan za was so popular in Cuba that it was the only musical and dance form at home both in the salons of the Cuban elite and in the clubs of the black and creole districts.

Its popularity stemmed from its combination of socially acceptable and upwardly mobile European salon genres with AfroCuban rhythmic flair. The contradanza cut across class lines and its direct descendent, the danza was played and danced by all social classes in the salons and in the streets. Shortly thereafter, the next music genre in t he evolution of charanga music, the danzn, became the national dance and music of Cuba.

Carpentiers statement about how musical genres reflect national identity demonstrates that t he notions of nation and identity are complex, varied, and intertwined. T urino contributes yet another perspective. He posits that in conjunction with theoretical analyses of the social and cultural complexities inherent in establishing intentions marked individuality and, in turn, associated with popular thought, and yet root ed in national sentiment. This is particularly important in Latin America given its historical associations with colonialism.

Turi no identifies two distinctly different phases of national and cultural identity building in Latin America from the s to the s In this phase, the elite of the individual ly emerging nations were privileged in their control over the processes of nation building and this was certainly true in Cuba.

The second phase identifies t wentiethcentury nationalist movements in Latin America. These events are categorized by Turino as populist movements intent on linking formerly disenfranchised and subaltern populations to t he state. The Cuban Revolution of is a good example. Wade, in Music, Blackness and National Identity: Three Moments in Colombian Historyargues that there is a tendency among scholars to view the construction and maintenance of a national identity as an effort on the part of the elite to create a PAGE 41 41 common vision among members of a nationstate.

He points out that current scholarship on nationalism supports the idea that principles of equivalence constitute nationstates. Wade argues for a broader approach, however, stressing that class homogeneity works, in fact, in a way contrary to the construction of national identity.

He state s that analysis focuses on what nationalist discourse itself defines as ideal homogeneity with little attention to the evident paradox that total homogeneity would entail the obliteration of the differences of hierarchy within the nation that even nationalist elites struggle to maintain Wade Wade does not mean to imply, however, that the concept of heterogeneity in class construction has been ignored in the scholarship.

Heterogeneity, however, is conceptualized as 1. For example, Bruno Nettl states that if music expresses personal or group identity, it plays a role in negotiating relationships between unequals, as a way for a dominant group t o reinforce its hegemony, or for a subordinate population to fight back at some level This common oppositional paradigm is one that sets a n homogenizing national elite against a heterogeneous subaltern culture that is 6 According to Aparicio and Jquezcultural hybridity is primarily a postmodern theoretical construct which can also be applied to historical situations that refers to two distinct concepts: Cultural hybridity is conceived as a binary construct that encompasses multiracial, multiethnic, intergeneratio nal, and multi class elements.

PAGE 42 42 perceived to be resista nt or in opposition to the elite. As Wade maintains, The recent lit erature on hybridity tends to fit this mould by seeing new hybrid cultures or cultural elements as resistant, counter hegemonic, or contestatory forces which challenge the modernist proj ect of the nationstate Wade posits that rather than understanding nationalist discourse as a simple dichotomy of a cohesive elite versus a varied resistant populace, we instead should look at how nationalism is constructed within a liminal space inside of itself.

According to Wade, d ominant power has always worked best when it is classifying and differentiating. This is how hierarchies are constructed and maintained. The elite class, in trying to create national sentiment and establish it s characteristics, uses heterogeneity to resignify the meaning of diversity.

Importantly, it is only throug h the recognition of diversity and I would add that it does not matter if it is positive or negative recognitionthat a unity can be imagined.

Posi tive recognition of diversity is seemingly positioned as good and inclusive and therefore it seems, would naturally establish unity. Negative recognition of diversity, however, is used to perpetuate exclusivity. Ironically, exclusivity often creates a desire within the excluded, i. It is the idea of assimilation, the hope of assimilation and acceptance that creates an imagined unity. The rise in status of the Cuban musical genre, the danzn, to that of national musical genre is a good example of this process.

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Describing the attitude of the elite toward the nascent danzn in the late nineteenth century, considered at that time to be the emergent national music and dance of Cuba, Vasquez and Zayas state: PAGE 43 43 Los ataques que recibi el Danzn en sus inicios fueron totalmente de corte racista y colonialista.

Los libelos de la poca, al servicio de la clase dominante, lo consideraban una manifestacin de la plebe, pues decan que era msica propia de los negros y mulatos Aunque en Matanzas las bailadores negros y mestizos ya disfrutaban de una pieza de cuadro la que llamaban Danzn, esta careca de una msica especfica.

Tuvieron que esperar a que se produjera un proceso de integracin nacional bien asimilado por la familia Failde, para que apareciera este gnero de indudable corte nacional y popular. Es por ello que el Danzn es considerado como contribuyente a la formacin de una conciencia nacional The pamphlets of the time, written in service to the ruling class, considered the danzn a manifestation of the people, and claimed that it was the music solely of blacks and people of mixed race.

Although in Matanzas, black and mixedrace dancers were already enjoying a squaredance they called Danzn, this dance was not associated with a specific genre of music. They had to wait for a process of national integration to occur, the one assimilated through the Failde family, for there to be no doubt that this kind of music was both nationalist and popular. That is why Danzn is regarded as contributing to the formation of a national consciousness.

Regarding the use of music by the elite in signifying national sentiment, Wade also warns that w e must not fall in to the trap of thinking that specific sounds are mec hanically linked to such things as class division. The sociologist Theodor Adorno also concurs that researchers should not blindly accept the simplistic notion that identity, especially class identity, could be cleanly matched to any element of PAGE 44 44 musical expression.

Adorno points out that all music carries aspects of the contradictory or opposing tendencies and characteristics of society as a whole. Indeed, this is an inherent dialectic that in Marxist inspired analysis is associated with class. Keeping this in mind, the idea that social boundaries, identities, and negotiations of the space between them can only occur in the context of relativities and opposition is an important consideration. There is also a tendency to s ee the creation of nationalist music as a homogenizing action of the elite to which the masses either resist or conform.

That is, they really play no part in the creative enterprise of nation building but only respond to that which is initiated from above. Wade calls again for a more broad approach. If music is seen as a m eans of imagining communities and thereby constituting them then this opens up flexibility in grasping its representational role Like Wade, Christopher Waterman su ggests that popular musical ensembles and genres such as charanga are not a simple manifestation of cultural hegemony by the elite or, in dialectical opposition, a protest by the masses against social dominance.

Popular styles have rarely [only] trickl ed down from the Westerneducated elites or bubbled up fr om an autochthonous wellspring Waterman has shown that ideas and actions regarding the hegemony of the elite versus the resistance by the masses operate within a field of subtle negotiat ion.

Understanding who plays major roles in establishing identity within societies and what that means for all members of that society is critical for understanding class as it relates to charanga. What is also important to consider is the idea that musi cians are constantly adopting new musical practices, transforming them according to their own social influences, and PAGE 45 45 then reinterpreting them as symbols of their own identities manifest onto larger cultural constructs.

C haranga musicians are a solid example of this phenomenon. In addition, t his notion that charanga as a social institution came about through a top down elite to subaltern process is overly simplistic. In reality, the elite first rejected the primarily AfroCuban musical and rhythmic inf luences of the subaltern. In an effort to establish a distinct criollo national identity, the elite found socially acceptable ways of gradually accepting these musical influences such as Africanderived rhythmic elements as long as they were made palata ble through syncretization with European art music practices.

The importance of charanga is that it was one of the primary routes through which the national music and dance genre, the danzn, became acceptable as a cultural ident ifier to the upper classes as charanga musicians were considered educated musicians With trained musicians and mainly European instruments figuring prominently in the ensemble, the Eurocentric elite class of Cuba could eventually relate to and begin to accept music such as the danzn Importantly, what this established was an avenue for the elite in creating and expressing a national identity through music.

Analyzing the role of class in creating identity through expressive culture, primarily music, informs us of the myriad ways in which class is articulated and identity constructed. Understanding the concept of nation and nationstate is also critical to in the analysis of the function of music w ithin society and the way it operates with in spheres of negotiation to establish national identity.

Applying theoretical concepts of class, identity, and nationalism to the analysis of charanga provides a clearer portrait of PAGE 46 46 charanga and helps us to under stand how Cuban national identity is constructed and affirmed through expressive culture.

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Authors from Spain, Mexico, Guatemala, Argentina and Peru are represented in this collection of short stories. Biographical sketches of the authors, questions and activities are included. An appendix contains an alphabetical listing of vocabulary used in the story. These two exciting stories teach students about the Spanish language and introduce them to the historical background of the young people in the stories.

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